In 1986 Sebastião Salgado photographed the Serra Pelada gold mine in northern Brazil, an open pit so crowded with men that the pictures look like a Bible illustration. Two years later Godfrey Reggio opened Powaqqatsi on the same pit. The Harvard Film Archive describes those shots as "hundreds of men working up and down the steep walls" of the mine, and says the men are "beautiful to watch, often reminiscent of classic statuary." It's a fair description. It's also the whole problem, stated by an admirer without noticing.
Powaqqatsi came out in 1988 as the sequel to Koyaanisqatsi, with no dialogue and a Philip Glass score carrying almost all of the meaning. Where the first film sped up American cities, this one slowed down the developing world: labourers, markets, crowded trains, faces held in slow motion while the music swells. The composer's own site sells it as a celebration of "the delicate beauty in the eyes of an Indian child, the richness of a tapestry woven in Kathmandu." The child has eyes but no name, and nobody in the film has a voice, because the film has no voices at all. Glass speaks for everyone.
The title makes this stranger. According to Glass's page on the film, powaqa refers to "a negative sorcerer who lives at the expense of others," and the coined word describes a way of life "that consumes the life forces of other beings." Reggio has said the target was the northern hemisphere "consuming" the lives of people in the south. Then he took a crew south, filmed those people at work, cut the footage in the north and sold it to northern arthouse audiences as a transcendent night out. I'm not sure he missed the irony. He may have meant the viewer to feel implicated, and the title is friction of a kind, if you've read the glossary. On screen there's much less of it; the music is too lovely, the slow motion too kind. You leave feeling moved, which is a comfortable place to leave from.
London was doing a cruder version in print. Arena and the style monthlies around it set expensive designer clothes against destitution, sometimes real, sometimes dressed up for the afternoon, until it stopped being a shoot and became a register, a way of making a jacket look like it had lived. The trick depended on the reader never meeting the backdrop. From an office in Soho a peeling wall reads as authenticity; to the person living behind it, it's damp and a landlord who won't answer the phone. The magazine only ever showed you the first version, and the clothes borrowed their seriousness from a place they'd never have to stay.
By the mid-nineties the look had moved off the backdrop and onto the body. The sociologist Karen Bettez Halnon, writing about what she named Poor Chic, notes that Calvin Klein's heroin chic campaign for cK Be in 1996 ran in Vogue, Elle, Marie Claire and Arena, all pallor and scratches and starved faces. Her sharpest point is about the promise underneath: the reader could travel "to and through radical superficial otherness" and come out with their conventional identity intact. That's the deal Powaqqatsi offered too. Halnon also quotes Johnny Rotten's 1977 line about a holiday in other people's misery, which could stand as the caption for all of it.
The two mechanisms aren't quite the same, and the difference matters. The cK Be models were paid professionals wearing hardship as a costume, and they could take it off after the shoot. The men on the ladders at Serra Pelada weren't wearing anything. They didn't get a credit, and whoever lived in the streets behind an Arena shoot got, at most, a crew in the way for an afternoon. Their lives became texture, which is a specific kind of use: you don't need the person, just the surface they've worn into things. In both cases the viewers were comfortable enough to find that beautiful, and they took the texture home and left the hardship where it was.
At the time it read as sophistication. You were supposed to be the kind of person who could look at poverty without flinching and see form in it. People were asking the obvious questions out loud, though. In 1991 Ingrid Sischy took Salgado apart in The New Yorker, the same Salgado whose Serra Pelada pictures had made him famous: "To aestheticize tragedy is the fastest way to anesthetize the feelings of those who are witnessing it." Beautification, she argued, produced pictures that "ultimately reinforce our passivity." Susan Sontag later called him "a photographer who specializes in world misery." The question existed. It just lost, for a long time, to the people selling the pictures.
It didn't stop when the decade did, either. In 2002 Zoe Williams wrote in the Guardian that a corrugated iron shack in Soweto and a homeless woman in London had both turned up in the style press within weeks of each other, "not as reportage but as subjects for fashion shoots." Elle Decoration introduced its Soweto story with "Stricken by apartheid, Soweto's townships were once a feared part of Johannesburg. Now they're a source of dynamic design." Williams did the sensible thing and laughed at it. We have learned, since, to ask who gets to look, who gets looked at, and who benefits. I'm less sure we ask it as readily about whatever's on the shelves this season as we do about something from 1988.
I still think Powaqqatsi is beautiful, and the score still does what Glass wanted it to do to me. I watch the opening differently now, though, wondering whether anyone ever showed those men the film, while they go on climbing in slow motion every time somebody presses play.
Sources:
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Powaqqatsi — Wikipedia
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Powaqqatsi — Philip Glass
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Godfrey Reggio, Cinematic Seer — Harvard Film Archive
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Powaqqatsi review — Qwipster's Movie Reviews
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Good Intentions — The New Yorker
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Sebastião Salgado's View of Humanity — The New Yorker
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Heroin Chic, Poor Chic, and Beyond Deconstructionist Distraction — Rutgers-Camden
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Poor Chic: The Rational Consumption of Poverty — Current Sociology
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Poverty chic — The Guardian